Tag Archives: politics

From Goat Roping to Good Government: Hardin County Plans for Public Safety 

19 Jul

By T.W. Shortt,

Former Radcliff City Councilman and Local Business Owner

The primary purpose of local government, whether at the city or county level, is public safety. It is not the government’s only responsibility, but it is the first. Roads, recreation, economic development, and community events all matter, but none of them should take priority over protecting lives and property. 

In Radcliff, there is often a great deal of attention placed on what I call the four P’s: parties, picnics, parades, and pancakes. There is nothing wrong with community events. They bring people together and help build civic pride. However, those activities should never distract from the community’s basic public safety needs. Considering the level of crime being reported in Radcliff, along with concerns about police staffing, emergency response, and the demands placed on public safety personnel, it may be time to shift the focus. 

At the Hardin County level, public safety must also remain a primary concern. The proposed 2026–2030 Emergency Fire Services Strategic Plan is a move in the right direction. It recognizes growing call volumes, simultaneous emergencies, aging fire equipment, limited staffing, and the pressure created when a small group is expected to serve a large and growing community. 

One of the largest proposals is an estimated $8 million emergency services building in Glendale, with approximately $6.5 million expected to come from state funding. The plan also calls for establishing the Hardin County Fire System, adding paid weekday firefighters in key districts, beginning replacement of fire apparatus in 2028, and creating the county’s first full-time, 24-hour paid fire crew by 2029. 

The planning phase is critical. Without a plan, every incident becomes a shock and a surprise. Government then finds itself reacting from one emergency to the next instead of working from an organized system with clear priorities, staffing goals, equipment schedules, and funding needs. Without that preparation, emergency management can begin to look less like organized county government and more like goat roping—everyone moving at once, but no one certain who is in charge or where the effort is headed. 

Judge-Executive Keith Taul deserves recognition for his leadership in this area. The judge-executive serves as the county’s chief executive officer, comparable to a mayor but on a countywide scale. Working with the members of the Fiscal Court, the judge-executive plays a leading role in planning, setting priorities, coordinating departments, and preparing the county for future needs. 

Fortunately, Judge Taul brings years of professional experience in which planning, organization, and leadership were developed and tested. That background is especially valuable when county governments must look beyond the next meeting or the next emergency and prepare for what Hardin County will need five, ten, or even twenty years from now. Every member of the Fiscal Court is also responsible for studying the plan carefully, asking tough questions, and supporting the necessary public safety improvements. 

This plan is not yet final, but it gives Hardin County direction and provides a standard by which the public can measure progress. Planning does not solve every problem, but it identifies weaknesses before the next crisis exposes them. A serious county government should not wait for an emergency to reveal what it failed to prepare for. It should establish priorities, assign responsibility, and make sure the people, equipment, facilities, and funding are in place. 

Hardin County is growing, and its public-safety services must grow with it. Community events are worthwhile, but the government’s first duty remains the protection of life and property. This strategic plan is an important first step, and Judge Taul and the Fiscal Court should be encouraged to continue advancing it. 

Housing Affordability Begins at the Local Level

11 Jul

In her June 26, 2026, The News-Enterprise syndicated column, S.E. Cupp, titled “Who Cares About Housing?” Certainly Not the President” argues that President Trump has failed to address America’s housing challenges by not supporting recently proposed federal housing legislation. 

The column illustrates a common misunderstanding about where the real obstacles to housing affordability lie. 

While federal policies can influence mortgage financing, tax incentives, and lending regulations, the greatest barriers to affordable housing are found much closer to home. Local governments determine whether housing can be built through zoning ordinances, subdivision regulations, permitting requirements, infrastructure planning, development fees, density restrictions, and approval processes. These decisions directly affect the cost, quantity, and speed of residential construction. 

Describing America’s housing market as a single, national “housing crisis” oversimplifies a much more complex issue. Housing markets are local. Communities experiencing rapid population growth face different challenges than rural counties or smaller cities. One-size-fits-all federal legislation is unlikely to solve problems that vary significantly from one community to another. 

The recently proposed housing legislation contains provisions that may have merit, but it is difficult to argue that it would increase housing affordability without addressing the local regulatory barriers that often prevent new housing from being built in the first place. It risks becoming another piece of legislation that allows elected officials of both parties to claim progress while producing only modest practical results. 

Real improvements in housing affordability will come when local communities carefully examine their own land-use policies, encourage responsible development, streamline approval processes where appropriate, and create an environment in which builders can deliver more housing at prices that working families can afford. 

Before assigning blame to Washington, we should recognize that many of the most effective solutions begin at city halls, planning commissions, and county fiscal courts across America. 

TW Shortt 
Radcliff, Kentucky 

When “Why Are You Running?” Is Not Enough 

9 Jul

By T.W. Shortt
Former Radcliff City Council Member

Hardin Local, the local podcast and media platform operated by Phil Taul, did Hardin County voters a real service leading up to the May 19, 2026, primary election. It gave candidates a place to speak directly to the public, on camera, in their own words. Hardin Local reported that it offered candidates in contested races a free interview opportunity and made the candidate videos available to voters. 

That matters. 

In local elections, voters rarely get the benefit of major televised debates, large editorial boards, or wall-to-wall newspaper coverage. More often, citizens are left with yard signs, campaign cards, Facebook posts, and word of mouth. A serious candidate interview gives voters something better: a chance to see how a candidate thinks, speaks, prepares, and responds when asked basic questions about public service. 

One of the most important races in Hardin County is the race for Mayor of Radcliff. The primary narrowed the field to two candidates, Toshie Murrell and Terry Owens. According to Hardin Local’s posted primary results, Murrell received 862 votes, and Owens received 857 votes, a five-vote difference at the top of the field. The general election is scheduled for November 3, 2026. 

That narrow result alone should get every Radcliff voter’s attention. 

During the interview process, the moderator gave the candidates the perfect opening question: tell the audience your “why” for seeking this office. 

That is a good question. It is fair, simple, and open-ended. It gives a candidate room to explain personal motivation, public service, love of community, experience, and vision. It allows voters to hear whether a candidate is running out of ambition, concern, frustration, duty, or a sincere belief that he or she has something useful to offer. 

But here is the problem: there is a difference between a personal “why” and a governing “why.” 

A candidate can love Radcliff and still not explain how Radcliff should be governed. A candidate can have years of city council experience and still owe voters a clear statement of what needs to change, what needs to be protected, and what needs to be improved. Personal affection for the city is commendable. Public service is honorable. Experience matters. But the mayor’s office requires more than good intentions, warm feelings, or a résumé. 

It requires direction. 

For a race this important, the “why” question should not be treated merely as a personal introduction. It should be the doorway into a four-year agenda. 

What has the candidate learned from serving on the city council? What areas of city government need tightening up? Is public safety adequately staffed, supported, and prioritized? Are streets, drainage, code enforcement, housing, business development, and city services moving in the right direction? Is Radcliff doing enough to present itself as a strong, orderly, business-friendly community next door to Fort Knox? 

Those are fair questions. They are not attacked. They are the ordinary questions citizens should ask anyone seeking executive leadership in city government. 

The mayor of Radcliff is not simply a ribbon-cutter or ceremonial figure. The mayor helps set the tone for the city government. The mayor works with the council, represents the city to citizens, speaks to outside investors, and helps shape the public image of Radcliff. The person elected mayor will have influence over how Radcliff is seen, how Radcliff is managed, and how Radcliff moves forward. 

That is why voters need more than “I love the city.” They need more than “this is the next step.” They need more than biographies. They need an agenda. 

Hardin Local may offer another opportunity for candidates to speak to voters before the November general election. If that opportunity comes, both candidates should take full advantage of it. They should come prepared not only to explain why they want the office, but what they intend to do with it. 

There must be some meaningful difference in how these two honorable candidates would govern. If there is no difference, voters are left to choose based on personality, name recognition, or habit. That is not enough for a city to face real decisions about growth, public safety, infrastructure, business development, and quality of life. 

There is no reason for a serious candidate to be afraid to make a clear case for herself. In fact, that is part of leadership. A candidate for mayor should be able to say: here is what I see, here is what I believe, here is what I would focus on, and here is how I would measure progress. 

Congratulations to both candidates for advancing the general election. That is an achievement. 

Now comes the harder part. 

Give the voters something solid to hang their hat on. 

Political Economy, Classical Liberalism, and Marx’s Critique

5 Jul

In Chapter 27 of Introduction to Political Philosophy, Barracca emphasizes that economics and politics are inseparable forces shaping modern society. This foundational idea frames the relationship between classical liberalism and Marxism. Economic power, Barracca explains, is never separate from political life, and Karl Marx’s work remains one of the most enduring critiques of that relationship. 

Marx believed that classical liberalism—despite its promises of freedom, equality, and individual rights—was protected by a system of inequality rooted in capitalism. His critique targeted both the economic structure and the political institutions that, in his view, reinforced those inequalities rather than correcting them. 

This tension between political ideals and economic realities continues to influence American politics today. Democrats typically present themselves as advocates for the working class, while Republicans tend to prioritize individual liberty, limited government, and free-market values. In many ways, this divide echoes Marx’s central challenge: are political rights enough, or must genuine freedom include economic security as well? 

Marx’s Three Criticisms of Classical Liberalism 

Marx’s first major criticism concerns what he called “formal” versus “substantive” freedom. Liberal democracies guarantee rights on paper, but Marx argued that these rights remain hollow for individuals lacking the economic means to exercise them. The legal right to own property, for example, has little value to someone without the resources to acquire any. Without material conditions that enable individuals to exercise their rights, freedom remains theoretical. 

The second criticism focuses on the concentration of economic power. Marx believed capitalism naturally funnels wealth and influence into the hands of a small group of owners. Although liberal democracies hold elections, he argued that the wealthy shape political agendas in ways that protect their interests, creating an illusion of political equality. In practice, economic domination often overshadows political rights. 

Marx’s third criticism is his concept of alienation. Under capitalism, workers become disconnected from the products they create, from the meaning of their labor, and even from each other. Work becomes merely a means of survival rather than a fulfilling activity. Because the products belong to someone else, and the labor is repetitive and controlled by others, Marx viewed alienation as a deep social failure—one that classical liberalism ignored in its focus on property rights. 

Criticisms of Marxism 

Despite raising legitimate concerns, Marxism faces several well-known criticisms. One common objection is that Marxist systems tend to reduce incentives. Without private ownership or market rewards, the motivation to innovate or increase productivity weakens. Historically, societies that eliminated market competition often struggled to sustain long-term economic growth. 

Another major criticism concerns political freedom. Because Marxism requires extensive state control and the abolition of private property, attempts to implement it frequently produced authoritarian governments. In seeking to end economic inequality, they often suppressed dissent and undermined democratic institutions—creating new forms of oppression. 

A third objection is that Marx reduces society to economic categories. Critics argue that he overlooks cultural, religious, moral, and personal influences that also shape human identity. People are more than their economic class. By focusing primarily on economic structures, Marxism struggles to account for the complexity and diversity of modern life. 

Personal Position 

When evaluating whether I lean more toward Marxism or classical liberalism, my position remains firmly on the side of classical liberalism. Growing up in the 1950s and 1960s, Marxism was viewed with deep suspicion, and that cultural context shaped my early outlook. Yet my adult life—especially decades spent in business—confirmed my belief that classical liberalism, with reasonable regulation, best reflects the economic realities of American life. 

Its emphasis on private property, individual liberty, and free markets has supported entrepreneurship, innovation, and personal responsibility. Marx raises valid concerns about inequality and power, but classical liberalism offers a more practical and freedom-centered framework for modern society. 

Conclusion 

Chapter 27 highlights Marx’s three core criticisms: the limits of “formal” freedom, the concentration of economic power, and the alienation of workers in capitalist systems. These critiques reveal real tensions within liberal societies, yet they do not persuade me that Marxism provides a workable or desirable alternative. The United States mixed economic system, grounded in classical liberal principles, remains the most stable and morally sound approach—protecting individual rights while allowing government to address market failures. It offers the balance Marx never fully acknowledged. 

Terrell Shortt 
Eastern Kentucky University 
  November 19, 2025 

An Early Warning That Saved Hardin County Millions

5 Jul

More than a year ago—before contracts were signed and before large checks were written—concerns were raised about committing Hardin County to a redundant mass transit system based on growth assumptions that had not yet been proven. That early warning turned out to matter more than many realized at the time. 

Fourteen months ago, I wrote a letter to the editor questioning a proposed expansion of public transit being discussed in and around Hardin County. The proposal was justified by one central assumption: that the BlueOval SK project would deliver rapid, large-scale growth on a short timeline. That assumption drove discussions about vanpool pilots, mass transit studies, buses, shelters, staffing, and long-term operating subsidies—all costs that would fall on Hardin County taxpayers. 
(Source: Letter to the Editor, October 2024) 

As that narrative gained traction, some advocates on the political left used the opportunity to push for a broader, countywide public transportation system, arguing that veterans, soldiers, the elderly, and the disabled were in dire need of expanded transit. Those groups absolutely deserve support—but the implication that they were unserved was misleading. 

Hardin County already has targeted transportation programs in place serving seniors, veterans, students, and residents with medical or financial limitations—programs designed specifically for those populations rather than the general public. 
(Sources: Lincoln Trail Area Development District public materials; local agency transit programs reported in The News-Enterprise) 

Using the needs of vulnerable populations to justify a universal, fare-free mass transit system blurred an important distinction: targeted assistance versus permanent countywide systems. The latter would have required long-term subsidies and ongoing tax support regardless of actual ridership. 

At the time, questioning this framing was not especially welcome. Growth was the prevailing narrative. BlueOval SK was treated as a certainty rather than a projection. Raising concerns about timing, scale, or fiscal exposure was often characterized as resistance to progress rather than prudent financial stewardship. 

Today, the facts are clearer. 

The BlueOval SK project, at least in its original form, collapsed early in its life cycle. Large-scale EV battery production never materialized. Thousands of projected jobs did not arrive. The joint venture dissolved. Ford pivoted. Layoffs followed. Production timelines were pushed years into the future, with only a fraction of the original capacity now planned. 
(Sources: WDRB News reporting; Wall Street Journal; public statements by Ford Motor Company, 2024–2025) 

That shift fundamentally altered the cost-benefit analysis used to justify major public investments—especially mass transit in a car-dependent county. 

Had Hardin County fully committed to the growth model being promoted in 2023 and early 2024, taxpayers could have been locked into: 

  • A new mass transit system duplicating existing services 
  • Long-term operating subsidies with uncertain ridership 
  • Staffing, maintenance, and capital replacement costs last for decades 
  • Debt service justified by population growth that never arrived 

Those obligations do not disappear when projections fall short. 

To the credit of local and regional leaders, many of these decisions were slowed, studied, or deferred rather than rushed. Transit proposals remained for pilots and studies—not permanent systems. Major spending commitments were not universally fast-tracked on unproven assumptions. 

That restraint spared Hardin County residents millions of dollars

This is not an argument against helping veterans, seniors, or the disabled. It is an argument for honest justification and proportional solutions. Targeted programs can be strengthened without using vulnerable populations as a blanket rationale for expensive systems the county does not need. 

Recognizing risk early was not obstruction—it was stewardship. 

Preventing waste rarely makes headlines. 
But for Hardin County, it may be one of the most important public finance outcomes of the past two years. 

— TW Shortt 
Focus on Finance 

Accountability Is Not Division 

4 Jul

Public accountability is not a division; it is a cornerstone of democratic government. 

In his Feb. 7, 2026, letter to the editor, Some Seem to Fan Flames of Division and Blatant Hatred, Kevin Russell criticized the filing of an ethics complaint against the Radcliff mayor, describing it as “another example of mischaracterization” and suggesting it fanned “division and blatant hatred,” while acknowledging he had not reviewed the complaint or spoken with the complainant.  

Our constitutional tradition has a different view. In New York Times Co. v. Sullivan, 376 U.S. 254 (1964), the United States Supreme Court held that debate about public officials must remain “uninhibited, robust, and wide-open.” The Court recognized that self-government depends on citizens’ freedom to question and criticize those in authority without fear of reprisal. That landmark decision became a pillar of modern First Amendment protection and strengthened the broader civil rights movement by safeguarding open public discourse. 

Filing a formal ethics complaint is not an act of division. It is a lawful, structured process designed precisely to remove personal animus from public disputes and to place allegations before an independent body for review. The right to question the government is a civil right that belongs to every citizen. It is not a franchise, a brand, or a prerogative reserved for any single organization. 

Ethics boards exist so concerns can be examined transparently and impartially, rather than filtered through informal conversations, personal loyalties, or political alliances. When citizens utilize established legal procedures, they participate in the system as it was designed to function. 

Leaders of advocacy organizations carry added responsibility when speaking publicly on behalf of their members. Exercising restraint until the facts are known preserves institutional credibility and protects the integrity of the process itself. 

Government accountability is not a division. It is the practical expression of constitutional self-government — a partnership between citizens and the institutions that serve them. Open scrutiny, conducted lawfully and respectfully, strengthens a community rather than weakens it. 

TW Shortt 
Radcliff 

Is the lack of public transport in Hardin County a legitimate issue?

4 Jul

Many people received the recent online transportation survey published by The Lincoln Trail Area District; LTADD is ideally suited to conduct the research and, if appropriate, eventually propose a solution. But is public transit an issue? Do community members need transportation to join the workforce? Are there elderly people who lack transportation to medical appointments? Are there residents struggling to get to a grocery store due to transportation issues? Let’s look closer.  

Hardin County is a community of kind people. We would not stand for conditions where the elderly, handicapped individuals, and people who wanted to work could not do so. While there is no government solution for everything that ails us, many communities have found that implementing a public transit system works for them. Some implemented systems were at a net monetary loss.  

The study is designed to gather the facts. Most people I spoke to about this issue agree that a community of our size needs a public transit system. They usually quote an anecdotal story about someone they know who needs transportation and is detrimentally affected by the lack thereof. To get the facts, we do not have to look far.  

One of those facts is that we already have a public transit system in Hardin County called the Transit Authority of Central Kentucky (TACK). These folks offer three categories of service: Fort Knox, Medicaid Services, and Public Services. I see TACK’s brightly lettered vans all over the community, yet I still run into people who have never heard of them or the service.  If this was not enough, at the risk of getting on a soapbox, what about the two hundred churches in Hardin County with a 12-passenger van parked behind them six days a week? Could an interdenominational leader come to the table with a solution?  

In conclusion, our tendency to turn to the government to solve every challenge is coming to an end. Every aspect of American worker production is now taxed, so it is time to find different solutions.  

Housing Affordability Begins at the Local Level

4 Jul

In her June 26, 2026, The News-Enterprise syndicated column, S.E. Cupp, titled “Who Cares About Housing?” Certainly Not the President” argues that President Trump has failed to address America’s housing challenges by not supporting recently proposed federal housing legislation. 

The column illustrates a common misunderstanding about where the real obstacles to housing affordability lie. 

While federal policies can influence mortgage financing, tax incentives, and lending regulations, the greatest barriers to affordable housing are found much closer to home. Local governments determine whether housing can be built through zoning ordinances, subdivision regulations, permitting requirements, infrastructure planning, development fees, density restrictions, and approval processes. These decisions directly affect the cost, quantity, and speed of residential construction. 

Describing America’s housing market as a single, national “housing crisis” oversimplifies a much more complex issue. Housing markets are local. Communities experiencing rapid population growth face different challenges than rural counties or smaller cities. One-size-fits-all federal legislation is unlikely to solve problems that vary significantly from one community to another. 

The recently proposed housing legislation contains provisions that may have merit, but it is difficult to argue that it would increase housing affordability without addressing the local regulatory barriers that often prevent new housing from being built in the first place. It risks becoming another piece of legislation that allows elected officials of both parties to claim progress while producing only modest practical results. 

Real improvements in housing affordability will come when local communities carefully examine their own land-use policies, encourage responsible development, streamline approval processes where appropriate, and create an environment in which builders can deliver more housing at prices that working families can afford. 

Before assigning blame to Washington, we should recognize that many of the most effective solutions begin at city halls, planning commissions, and county fiscal courts across America. 

TW Shortt 
Radcliff, Kentucky